Sentence alignment for gv-amh-20130112-401.xml (html) - gv-eng-20130111-386065.xml (html)

#amheng
1እ.
2ኤ.
3አ. 2012፤ የፍራንኮፎኖች አብዮት እና ማኅበራዊ ለውጥ ዓመት፡- ክፍል 12012: A Year of Revolt and Social Change in Francophone Countries: Part 1 of 2
42012 አልቋል፤ እናም ለፍራንኮፎን (የፈረንሳይ ቅኝ [የነበሩ]) አገራት የተረጋጋ 2013 በጉጉት ይጠብቃሉ፡፡2012 is over, and for Francophone countries a more serene 2013 would be more than welcome.
5በ2012 በማሊ፣ በኮንጎ ዴሞክራቲክ ሪፐብሊክ (ኮንጎ) እና በሴንትራል አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ውስጥ የትጥቅ ትግል ተካሂዷል፡፡ በሴኔጋል፣ ኩዊቤክ እና ፈረንሳይ ደግሞ ምርጫ ተካሂዷል፡፡ በቻድ፣ ማዳጋስካር እና ቶጎ ደግሞ ለውጥን የሚጠይቁ ሕዝባዊ የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች ተካሂደዋል፡፡ በርካታ ክርክሮች ስደትን፣ ምጣኔ ሀብታዊ ቀውሶችን እና እኩል የጋብቻ መብቶችን በተመለከተ ተደርገዋል፡፡ እነዚህ ሁሉ የሆኑት ዓበይት ለውጦችን ለማምጣት ሲሆን መረጃ በመለዋወጥ ዘዴ ነው፡፡The year 2012 was marked by armed conflicts in Mali, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and in the Central African Republic (CAR). There were elections in Senegal, as well as in Quebec and France.
6በ2012 የመጀመሪያው ክለሳችን፣ በፍራንኮፎን አገራት ውስጥ የተከናወነውን ጠቅለል አድርገን እናቀርባለን፡-Demonstrations for change took place in Chad as well as Madagascar and Togo.
7የማሊ መጪው ጊዜ (በማርክ-አንድሬ ቦይስቨርት)Debate raged on topics such as immigration, the economic crisis and equal marriage rights.
8ረዥም ሰንሰለታማ ኩነቶች በ2012 የቱዋርግ አማጺያን ያደረጉትን ወታደራዊ መፈንቅል እና የሰሜን ማሊን መውደቅ (በዚያው ሰበብ አካባቢው በኢስላማዊ ቡድኖች መያዙን) ተከትሎ አገሪቱን ድምጥማጧን አውጥቶታል፡፡ ማቧሪያ የሌላቸው ወታደራዊ ንጠቶች ተበራክተው ነበር፤ ባሳለፍነው አንድ ዓመት፣ የማሊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ እና ልማታዊ መልካም ገጽታ ሙሉ ለሙሉ ጠልሽቷል፤ አገሪቱንም መረጋጋት አሳጥቶ፣ ሰብሮና ትኩረት አሳጥቷት አልፏል፡፡All this took place against a backdrop of major changes in the ways of sharing information. In the first part of our 2012 review, we recap what was an eventful year in Francophone countries with the help of Global Voices contributors:
9Mali begins Touareg dialogue.The future of Mali (by Marc-André Boisvert)
10A long chain of events completely devastated the country in 2012 as a Tuareg rebellion was followed by a military coup and the fall of North Mali, which was subsequently captured by Islamist groups.
11There have been endless political military shake-ups: during this one year, Mali's well-polished international image as a model of democracy and development has been completely shattered, leaving the country destabilised, broken and neglected.
12Image by Flickr user Magharebia (CC BY 2.0)Mali begins Touareg dialogue. Image by Flickr user Magharebia (CC BY 2.0)
13ከአንድ ዓመት በፊት የትዊተር ጽሑፎች፣ የፌስቡክ ማስታወሻዎች እና ጦማሮች የግል ጉዳዮች ነበሩ፡፡ በ2012 መባቻ ላይ ፖለቲካዊ ይዘት ያላቸው ጽሑፎች (አሁን ለተሰረዘው እና ሚያዝያ ላይ ይካሄዳል ተብሎ ለነበረው ምርጫ) በፕሬዚደንትነት የሚወዳደሩ እጩዎች የሚጻፍ ብቻ ነበር፡፡A year ago in Mali tweets, facebook posts and blogs were mainly personal. At the start of 2012 the only political content was from candidates honing their campaign strategies for the presidential elections (subsequently cancelled) expected to take place that April.
14በ2012 ማሊዎች፣ ከዋናው መገናኛ ብዙኃን ይልቅ ማኅበራዊ አውታሮችን ተቆጣጠሩ፡፡ የኢንተርኔት ተጠቃሚዎች በኢስላሚስቶቹ ደርሰዋል የሚሏቸውን ጥፋቶች የሚያሳዩ ምስሎችን #Mali በተሰኘ ሀሽ-ታግ በመለጠፍ ተቆጣጠሩት፤ በተለይም ማሊሊንክ በተሰኘው ዝነኛ የመልዕት መለዋወጫቸው አማካይነት፡፡During 2012 Malians took over social networks. More effective than the mainstream media, internet users shared images of amputations committed by Islamists under the hashtag #Mali and exchanged views on the new powers, notably on messaging list Malilink.
15The Northern Citizens Collective (COREN) and the Cri de Cœur collective mobilised Malians and their allies to send humanitarian aid to occupied regions.
16የሰሜን ዜጎች ኅብረት (ኮረን) እና የCri de Cœur ማኅበር ማሊዎችን እና ወዳጆቻቸውን ለተወረሩ ቦታዎች ሰብኣዊ እርዳታ እንዲለግሱ አስተባበሩ፡፡ ማኅበራዊ አውታሮች ከዚያ በኋላ የሕዝቦች አለመቻል የሚንፀባረቅበት ተራ ቦታ ብቻ ሳይሆን ሰዎችን በማስተባበር ለለውጥ የሚነሱበት እና ሁኔታዎችን የሚጋፈጡበት ሆኗል፡፡Social networks were no longer simply a tool for sharing people's impotence faced with the atrocities occurring, rather, they were used to organise people, to rise up and refuse to accept the situation.
17የማሊ ሕዝቦች የውጭ ጣልቃ ገብነት - በይነመረብ የዚያ ምሳሌ ነው - አልናፈቁም፡፡The people of Mali weren't just waiting around for outside intervention - the internet is proof of that.
18የሕዝባዊ ሽግግርን ፈተና ማለፍ?Passing crisis of transformation of society?
19በ2012ቱ የፈረንሳይ ምርጫ የምጣኔ ሀብታዊ ቀውስ ማዕከላዊ ርዕስ ነበር፡፡ አራት ዓመታት ከሚጠጋ ቀውስ በኋላ ጥያቄው፣ ከጊዜያዊ ጥያቄነት በላይ ተሻግሮ የማኅበራዊ ቅርጽ ለውጥ እና የማምለጫ መንገዶች ላይ ያተኮረ ነበር ማለት ይቻላል፡፡The economic crisis was the central theme of the 2012 French election. After nearly four years of the crisis the question was, rather that it being a temporary crisis, were we witnessing a structural transformation of society and the way it functions?
20አዳዲስ ሐሳቦች በወቅታዊ ምጣኔሀብታዊ ጉዳዮች ዙሪያ አማራጭ አመላካቾችን ይዘው መጡ፡፡ ስታኒስላስ ጆርዳን ወቅታዊ እውነታውን በሚያሻሽሉ የሐሳብ ልውውጦች አብርኆትን እንድንጎናፀፍ ረድቶናል፡፡ በስዊዘርላን የመሠረታዊ ገቢ የቀጥታ ዴሞክራሲ ኢኒሼቲቭ ቲም ውጤት ሲሆን የዚሁ የአብርኆቱ አካል ነው፡-Innovative ideas emerged on the possible ways society could evolve with regard to the current economic context. Stanislas Jourdan enlightened us with ideas exchanged on various approaches which could transform the existing paradigms.
21ለ“ቅድመሁኔታ አልባ መሠረታዊ ገቢ” ዋነኛ ማነቃቂያው “ቅድመሁኔታ አልባ ሁለገብ ተጠቃሚነትን ማቅረብ ነው” የሚለው በፌዴራል ሕገ መንግሥቱ ላይ “ጠቅላላው ሕዝብ የተከበረ ኑሮ እና ማኅበራዊ ሕይወት እንዲመራ” የሚያደርግ ነገር ይጻፋል፡፡ ሕጉ ገንዘብ ነክ የሆኑ እና ያልሆኑትን ጥቅሞች ያካትታል፡፡ […] መሠረታዊው ገቢ በተዘረዘሩት ቅድመ ሁኔታዎች አይመጣም:- በምንም መንገድ መፈተን/መሞከር የለበትም፡፡ […] እንዴት የገንዘብ ድጎማ ይደረግለታል?The direct democracy team initiative for a guaranteed basic income in Switzerland was part of this: The grassroots initiative “for an unconditional basic income” proposes that “the establishment of an unconditional universal benefit” be written into the federal constitution which would “allow the entire population to lead a dignified existence and participate in public life”.
22በቀጥታ የገቢ እና የሀብት ግብር፣ በተዘዋዋሪ የወጪ ግብር (ተ. እ.The law will address financing and set the amount of the benefit. [
23ታ)፣ የገንዘብ ዝውውርን በመቅረጥ፣ እና በተለይ አሁን በተግባር ላይ የዋሉትን የጡረታ እና ሥራአጦች ክፍያዎች፣ ማኅበራዊ ደኅንነት እና ሌሎች የሰብኣዊ ልማት ክፍያዎችን መልሶ ከመሠረታዊ ገቢ በታች በማደራጀት፡፡…] The basic income does not come with any conditions attached: it is not subject to any means testing. […] How will it be financed?
24Through direct taxation of income and wealth, indirect taxation on consumption (VAT), taxing financial transactions, and most especially through the reallocation of resources currently allotted to financing state pensions and unemployment payouts, social security and other welfare payments lower than the amount of the basic income.
25Human reasons to work by freeworldcharter.org via active rain used with permissionHuman reasons to work by freeworldcharter.org via active rain used with permission
26የመቆጣጠሩ እንቅስቃሴ (occupy movement) በሰሜን አሜሪካ ነበር የተጀመረው፤ የነርሱ ትልም የቤተሰቦችን እና ተማሪዎችን እዳ በጅምላ ድጎማ (crowdfunding) አሰርዟል፣ ልክ መንግሥት ባንኮችን በደጎመበት subprime mortgage crisis መንገድ:-The Occupy Movement was started in North America, and among other aims, worked to remove debt from families and students by crowdfunding, similar to the way that governments aided the banks during the subprime mortgage crisis:
27[ይህ] የገንዘብ ትዕዛዛትን ከቁጥር ማቅለል (Quantitative Easing) በተመሳሰለ ሁኔታ ይፈጥረዋል፤ ነገር ግን ያንን ገንዘብ ወደ ሕዝብ የሒሳብ ቋት በማከል የመጀመሪያው የገንዘቡ ጥቅም ዕዳ መቀነስ እንዲሆን ያደርገዋል፡፡ ብድራቸው ገቢያቸውን የበለጠባቸው ተበዳሪዎች ዕዳቸው ቢቀነስላቸውም አይሰረዝላቸውም፤ በሌላ ጽንፍ ደግሞ፣ ዕዳ የሌለባቸው ተከፋዮች ጥሬ ገንዘብ ይቀበላሉ…[It] would create fiat money in the same way as with Quantitative Easing, but would direct that money to the bank accounts of the public with the requirement that the first use of this money would be to reduce debt.
28Debtors whose debt exceeded their injection would have their debt reduced but not eliminated, while at the other extreme, recipients with no debt would receive a cash injection…
29ምክንያት የለሽ አማጺዎች?Rebels without a cause?
30የኮንጎዎቹ M23 አማጺያንም ሆኑ የሴንትራል አፍሪካ ሴሌካ ጥምረት ወይም ኢስላሚስቶች ቡድን በማሊ ግልጽ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ጥያቄዎችን እምብዛም አያቀርቡም ወይም ደግሞ በተከፋፈለው እንቅስቃሴያቸው ውስጥ ተመሳሳይ ዓላማ አይታይም፡፡ እነዚህ ታጣቂዎች የተለያዩ ክልሎች ላይ መረጋጋትን ለመፍጠር በመደራደር በ2012 በጣም የተጽዕኖ አድማሳቸውን አስፍተዋል፡፡ በጁሊ ኦዎኖ እንደተገለጸው፣ በሴንትራል አፍሪካ የተደረገው ተከታታይ ጥቃት የሴሌካ አማጺያንን የአጭር ጊዜ ዒላማ የገንዘብ ነክ አጣብቂኞች እንደቀየሩት ነው፡፡ በኮንጎ አና ጉዬ ውስብስቡን የM23 አማጺያንን ታሪካዊ ዳራ እና የቅርብ ጊዜ አብዮት በዝርዝር አስቅምጧል፡፡ የገንዘብ ጉዳዩ አጣብቂኝ ኪቩ እና ካታንጋ በተሰኙት ክልሎች እጅግ ይከፋል፡፡ የ2012 አሳዛኝ ትርኢት የግጭቶች መባባስ እና ሰብኣዊ ቀውስ ለአመጽ ማቀጣጠያነት ውሏል፡፡ ጤና ነክ ጉዳዮችን ለመጠበቅ እና ማኅበራዊ ጥምረትን ለማሳደግ የተደረገው የሲቪሊያኑ እንቅስቃሴ ደግሞ በነዚህ ግጭቶች ሳቢያ ተዳክሟል፡፡Whether the M23 rebels in the DRC, the Seleka Coalition in the Central African Republic or Islamist groups in Mali, groups rarely claim a clear political ideology or uniformity of operation between their various factions. These armed groups have strongly expanded their spheres of influence in 2012, establishing a definite lever for negotiations in the stabilisation process in their respective regions.
31As noted by Julie Owono, the timing of the progression of attacks in the CAR suggests that financial stakes have changed the deal regarding short-term objectives of the Seleka rebels.
32In the DRC, Anna Gueye detailed the complex historical context of the M23 rebellion and its recent evolution.
33የ2012ቱ ክለሳ በነዚህ የፍራንኮፎን አገራት ዙሪያ በቅርብ ጊዜ ይቀጥላል፡፡The financial stakes in the Kivu and Katanga regions are extremely high.
34The tragic new feature in 2012 was the expansion of the conflict and the humanitarian disaster to areas with high potential for intensification of the violence.
35The remarkable initiatives of the civilian population did much to protect the health and the social cohesion of populations weakened by these conflicts.
36ለዚህ ጽሑፍ አስተዋጽኦ ያደረጉትአና ጉዬ፣ ጁሊ ኦዎኖ፣ አብዶላዬ ባሕ፣ ማርክ-አንድሬ ቦይስቨርት እና ስታኒስላስ ጆርዳን ናቸው፡፡The second part of this 2012 review of Francophone countries will follow shortly.
37Anna Gueye, Julie Owono, Abdoulaye Bah, Marc-André Boisvert and Stanislas Jourdan contributed to this post.